was delivered in the decade preceding the American Civil War, which lasted from 1861 to 1865 and achieved the abolition of slavery. He refers to the Constitution as a "Glorious Liberty Document". These ministers make religion a cold and flinty-hearted thing, having neither principles of right action, nor bowels of compassion. Pride and patriotism, not less than gratitude, prompt you to celebrate and to hold it in perpetual remembrance. I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. The Celestial Empire, the mystery of ages, is being solved. Walled cities and empires have become unfashionable. In the end, Douglass wants to keep his hope and faith in humanity high. Oh! See this drove sold and separated forever; and never forget the deep, sad sobs that arose from that scattered multitude. Read its preamble, consider its purposes. Knowledge was then confined and enjoyed by the privileged few, and the multitude walked on in mental darkness. Intelligence is penetrating the darkest corners of the globe. I say it with a sad sense of the disparity between us. Your fathers have lived, died, and have done their work, and have done much of it well. be warned! Pride and patriotism, not less than gratitude, prompt you to. They went so far in their excitement as to pronounce the measures of government unjust, unreasonable, and oppressive, and altogether such as ought not to be quietly submitted to. He validates the feelings of injustice the Founders felt then juxtaposes their experiences with vivid descriptions of the harshness of slavery.[21]. [Under the Act] it became illegal not to arrest and return runaway slaves. By an act of the American Congress, not yet two years old, Mason and Dixons line has been obliterated, Did this law concern the mint, anise, and cumin. What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Many of its most eloquent Divines. Who so stolid and selfish, that would not give his voice to swell the hallelujahs of a nations jubilee, when the chains of servitude had been torn from his limbs? ROY: Douglass wrote the speech in the wake of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, which effectively extended the reach of slave power in the South throughout the rest of the country. The crack you heard, was the sound of the slave-whip; the scream you heard, was from the woman you saw with the babe. Albert Barnes but uttered what the common sense of every man at all observant of the actual state of the case will receive as truth, when he declared that There is no power out of the church that could sustain slavery an hour, if it were not sustained in it.Let the religious press, the pulpit, the Sunday school, the conference meeting, the great ecclesiastical, missionary, Bible and tract associations of the land array their immense powers against slavery and slave-holding; and the whole system of crime and blood would be scattered to the winds; and that they do not do this involves them in the most awful responsibility of which the mind can conceive.In prosecuting the anti-slavery enterprise, we have been asked to spare the church, to spare the ministry; but how, we ask, could such a thing be done? They acknowledge it when they punish disobedience on the part of the slave. Essentially, Douglass criticizes his audience's pride for a nation that claims to value freedom though it is composed of people who continuously commit atrocities against Blacks. He wrote and presented a speech that challenged . The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, not by me. From the slave prison to the ship, they are usually driven in the darkness of night; for since the antislavery agitation, a certain caution is observed.In the deep still darkness of midnight, I have been often aroused by the dead heavy footsteps, and the piteous cries of the chained gangs that passed our door. Here you will see men and women reared like swine for the market. by Frederick Douglass 1852 11th Grade Lexile: 1140 Font Size Frederick Douglass (1818-1895) was an African American social reformer, orator, and writer. Douglass then discusses the internal slave trade in America. The charter of our liberties, which every citizen has a personal interest in understanding thoroughly. So its important that our city and our society are outraged by the recent murders of unarmed black people. I answer; a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. in preference to the gospel, as preached by those Divines! The Fugitive Slave Law makes mercy to them a crime; and bribes the judge who tries them. It is a religion for oppressors, tyrants, man-stealers, and thugs. I do not remember ever to have appeared as a speaker before any assembly more. As the champions of oppressors, the chosen men of American theology have appearedmen, honored for their so-called piety, and their real learning. The existence of slavery in this country brands your republicanism as a sham, your humanity as a base pretence, and your Christianity as a lie. Then would my task be light, and my burden easy and delightful. Easel Activity. By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down. Douglass addressed a part of the population for which the day had huge significance the true independence, he argues, is not for the American people, but for the American slave. Americans! You have no right to wear out and waste the hard-earned fame of your fathers to cover your indolence. In order to put an end to it, some of these last have consented that their colored brethren (nominally free) should leave this country, and establish themselves on the western coast of Africa! Sydney Smith tells us that men seldom eulogize the wisdom and virtues of their fathers, but to excuse some folly or wickedness of their own. Initially mentored by William Lloyd Garrison, Douglass Would you have me argue that man is entitled to liberty? If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth.Fellow-citizens; above your national, tumultuous joy, I hear the mournful wail of millions! your republican politics, not less than your republican religion, are flagrantly inconsistent. Douglass then returns to the topic of the founding of the United States. [5] American studies professor Andrew S. Bibby argues that because many of the editions produced for educational use are abridged, they often misrepresent Douglass's original through omission or editorial focus. that gash on her shoulder tells her to move on. R, R. Raymond) on the platform, are shining examples; and let me say further, that upon these men lies the duty to inspire our ranks with high religious faith and zeal, and to cheer us on in the great mission of the slaves redemption from his chains.One is struck with the difference between the attitude of the American church towards the anti-slavery movement, and that occupied by the churches in England towards a similar movement in that country. While I do not intend to argue this question on the present occasion, let me ask, if it be not somewhat singular that, if the Constitution were intended to be, by its framers and adopters, a slave-holding instrument, why neither slavery, slaveholding, nor slave can anywhere be found in it. or is it in the temple? [16] Additionally, it awarded $10 to a judge who sentenced an individual to return to enslavement, while awarding only $5 if the claim was dismissed. Frederick Douglass, a well-known Black writer, orator, and abolitionist was asked to address an anti-slavery group on the July 4 holiday in 1852. You can bare your bosom to the storm of British artillery to throw off a threepenny tax on tea; and yet wring the last hard-earned farthing from the grasp of the black laborers of your country. Heat and sorrow have nearly consumed their strength; suddenly you hear a quick snap, like the discharge of a rifle; the fetters clank, and the chain rattles simultaneously; your ears are saluted with a scream, that seems to have torn its way to the center of your soul! Tell me citizens, WHERE, under the sun, you can witness a spectacle more fiendish and shocking. When a child, my soul was often pierced with a sense of its horrors. This page was last edited on 5 February 2023, at 19:31. when ye make many prayers, I will not hear. It makes its pathway over and under the sea, as well as on the earth. And it also imposed severe penalties on anyone who helped enslaved people to escape. Building off of this, Douglass criticizes the Fugitive Slave Act, holding that in this act, "slavery has been nationalized in its most horrible and revolting form." The4th of July is the first great fact in your nation's history the very ringbolt in the chain of your yet undeveloped destinyPride and patriotism, not less than gratitude, prompt you to celebrate and to hold it in perpetualremembrance. In his speech, "The Hypocrisy of American Slavery . [5], A statue of Douglass erected in Rochester in 2018 was torn down on July 5, 2020the 168th anniversary of the speech. No! His agents were sent into every town and county in Maryland, announcing their arrival, through the papers, and on flaming hand-bills, headed CASH FOR NEGROES. your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery." Douglass spends the next part of his speech pre-empting some of the arguments . They hate all changes, but silver, gold and copper change! He thinks they were extremely intelligent, and the thinks it is admirable that when they realized they were oppressed by Britain, they rebelled. The sunlight that brought life and healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me. What is now known as the "What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?" speech was delivered on July 5, 1852 as an address to the Rochester Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society in Rochester, New York. I can to-day take up the plaintive lament of a peeled and woe-smitten people!By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down. I was glad to find one who sympathized with me in my horror.Fellow-citizens, this murderous traffic is, to-day, in active operation in this boasted republic. He argues that the Constitution does not permit slavery, contrary to the claims of contemporary defenders of the institution. They may also rise in wrath and fury, and bear away, on their angry waves, the accumulated wealth of years of toil and hardship. [19]. Ossie DavisA Voice Ringing O'er the Gale! (1982). Long established customs of hurtful character could formerly fence themselves in, and do their evil work with social impunity. Oppression makes a wise man mad. There are forces in operation, which must inevitably work The downfall of slavery. whose chains, heavy and grievous yesterday, are, to-day, rendered more intolerable by the jubilee shouts that reach them. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciations of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade, and solemnity, are, to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisya thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. Not fewer than forty Americans have, within the past two years, been hunted down and, without a moments warning, hurried away in chains, and consigned to slavery and excruciating torture. You are all on fire at the mention of liberty for France or for Ireland; but are as cold as an iceberg at the thought of liberty for the enslaved of America. He had delivered a series of seven lectures about slavery there in the winter of 185051. What to the Slave is the Fourth of July by Frederick Douglass annotation? Her speed had faltered under the weight of her child and her chains! The audience must fulfill what the founders of the country advocated. If so, there is a parallel to your conduct. The crack you heard, was the sound of the slave-whip; the scream you heard, was from the woman you saw with the babe. The Lords of Buffalo, the Springs of New York, the Lathrops of Auburn, the Coxes and Spencers of Brooklyn, the Gannets and Sharps of Boston, the Deweys of Washington, and other great religious lights of the land have, in utter denial of the authority of Him by whom the professed to he called to the ministry, deliberately taught us, against the example or the Hebrews and against the remonstrance of the Apostles, they teach that we ought to obey mans law before the law of God.My spirit wearies of such blasphemy; and how such men can be supported, as the standing types and representatives of Jesus Christ, is a mystery which I leave others to penetrate. nor the perfect gage I think I have of Corinthian Hall, the slave plantation, from which I escaped, and trusting to your patient and generous indulgence, I will proceed to lay them before you, This, for the purpose of this celebration, is the 4th of July. By that act, Mason and Dixons line has been obliterated; New York has become as Virginia; and the power to hold, hunt, and sell men, women, and children as slaves remains no longer a mere state institution, but is now an institution of the whole United States. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciations of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade, and solemnity, are, to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisya thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. Were the nation older, the patriots heart might be sadder, and the reformers brow heavier. GAZETTE: What is the historical setting for this speech, and why did Douglass focus on the Fourth of July? Stauffer, John. The anguish of my boyish heart was intense; and I was often consoled, when speaking to my mistress in the morning, to hear her say that the custom was very wicked; that she hated to hear the rattle of the chains, and the heart-rending cries. Their opposition to the then dangerous thought was earnest and powerful; but, amid all their terror and affrighted vociferations against it, the alarming and revolutionary idea moved on, and the country with it. They, however, gradually flow back to the same old channel, and flow on as serenely as ever. That is a question Frederick Douglass posed 169 Julys ago in a speech to a group of abolitionists, one that's become perhaps his most famous. The well-known speech was previously known as The Meaning of July the Fourth for the Negro. Later, the speech was re-titled based on Douglasss question, What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July?. Nobody doubts it. It is, however, a notable fact that, while so much execration is poured out by Americans upon those engaged in the foreign slave-trade, the men engaged in the slave-trade between the states pass without condemnation, and their business is deemed honorable.Behold the practical operation of this internal slave-trade, the American slave-trade, sustained by American politics and America religion. We need individual events like reading Douglass, but we also need to be thinking about ways to extend this conversation over the long term. What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? Oceans no longer divide, but link nations together. The evil that men do, lives after them, The good is oft-interred with their bones. I doubt if there be another nation on the globe, having the brass and the baseness to put such a law on the statute-book. The subject has been handled with masterly power by Lysander Spooner, Esq., by William Goodell, by Samuel E. Sewall, Esq., and last, though not least, by Gerritt Smith, Esq. What to a Slave is the Fourth of July Frederick Douglass Fredrick speech. If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. there is no matter in respect to which, the people of the North have allowed themselves to be so ruinously imposed upon, as that of the pro-slavery character of the Constitution. [27], In the United States, the speech is widely taught in history and English classes in high school and college. In the solitude of my spirit, I see clouds of dust raised on the highways of the South; I see the bleeding footsteps; I hear the doleful wail of fettered humanity, on the way to the slave-markets, where the victims are to be sold like horses, sheep, and swine, knocked off to the highest bidder. They are food for the cotton-field, and the deadly sugar-mill. In spite of his praise of the Founding Fathers, he maintains that slaves owe nothing to and have no positive feelings towards the founding of the United States. [20]:345He also attempts to demonstrate the irony of their inability to sympathize with the Black people they oppressed in cruel ways that the forefathers they valorized never experienced. Great Britain, and many other countries of that time, had already abolished slavery from its territories. There is not time now to argue the constitutional question at length nor have I the ability to discuss it as it ought to be discussed. Mark the sad procession, as it moves wearily along, and the inhuman wretch who drives them. In 1850, the Fugitive Slave Act had passed Congress as part of the broader Compromise of 1850. Yea! [8] Frederick Douglass had moved to Rochester in 1847 in order to publish his newspaper The North Star. The 4th of July Address, delivered in Corinthian Hall, by Frederick Douglass, is published on good paper, and makes a neat pamphlet of forty pages. But a still more inhuman, disgraceful, and scandalous state of things remains to be presented. Over 150,000 persons were sold between 1820 and 1830, and over 300,000 were sold between 1850 and 1860.[15]. The speech 'What to the Slaves is the Fourth of July' projected the American Day of Independence from a slave's point of view and brought to light the horrific experiences of slavery. This, to you, is what the Passover was to the emancipated people of God. They strip the love of God of its beauty, and leave the throng of religion a huge, horrible, repulsive form. You discourse eloquently on the dignity of labor; yet, you sustain a system which, in its very essence, casts a stigma upon labor. What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? Who can reason on such a proposition? Frederick Douglass delivered his famous speech "What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?" in 1852, drawing parallels between the Revolutionary War and the fight to abolish slavery. For there, they that carried us away captive, required of us a song; and they who wasted us required of us mirth, saying, Sing us one of the songs of Zion. Washington could not die till he had broken the chains of his slaves. According to Douglass, these inconsistencies have made the United States the object of mockery and often contempt among the various nations of the world. Keidrick Roy, the host of the virtual reading event. Space is comparatively annihilated. It is neither. I will not equivocate; I will not excuse; I will use the severest language I can command; and yet not one word shall escape me that any man, whose judgment is not blinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a slaveholder, shall not confess to be right and just.But I fancy I hear some one of my audience say, it is just in this circumstance that you and your brother abolitionists fail to make a favorable impression on the public mind. I am also hosting a summer reading and discussion series called Race, Fragility, and Anti-Racism through the Somerville Museum and the City on a Hill network of local churches. But, I submit, where all is plain there is nothing to be argued. [6] Due to this and the variant titles given to it in various places, and the fact that it is called a July Fourth Oration but was actually delivered on July 5, some confusion has arisen about the date and contents of the speech. The drove moves tardily. Random House. These wretched people are to be sold singly, or in lots, to suit purchasers. [16][17] Finally, the Act did not allow the accused individual of defending themselves in court. [5] Many copies of one section of it, beginning in paragraph 32, have been circulated online. "What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?" remains one of the most effective and poignant condemnations of slavery in the canon of American abolitionist literature, a tribute to the moral character and oratorical skills of Frederick Douglass. While drawing encouragement from the Declaration of Independence, the great principles it contains, and the genius of American Institutions, my spirit is also cheered by the obvious tendencies of the age. Seventy-six years, though a good old age for a man, is but a mere speck in the life of a nation. Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. An American judge gets ten dollars for every victim he con signs to slavery, and five, when he fails to do so. That which is inhuman, cannot be divine! To me the American slave-trade is a terrible reality. There I see the tenderest ties ruthlessly broken, to gratify the lust, caprice and rapacity of the buyers and sellers of men. If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. Your fathers esteemed the English Government as the home government; and England as the fatherland. Let it be thundered around the world, that, in tyrant-killing, king-hating, people-loving, democratic, Christian America, the seats of justice are filled with judges, who hold their offices under an open and palpable bribe, and are bound, in deciding in the case of a mans liberty, hear only his accusers!In glaring violation of justice, in shameless disregard of the forms of administering law, in cunning arrangement to entrap the defenseless, and in diabolical intent, this Fugitive Slave Law stands alone in the annals of tyrannical legislation. But, with that blindness which seems to be the unvarying characteristic of tyrants, since Pharaoh and his hosts were drowned in the Red Sea. It has made itself the bulwark of American slavery, and the shield of American slave-hunters. How should I look to-day, in the presence of Americans, dividing, and subdividing a discourse, to show that men have a natural right to freedom? The anti-slavery movement there was not an anti-church movement, for the reason that the church took its full share in prosecuting that movement: and the anti-slavery movement in this country will cease to be an anti-church movement, when the church of this country shall assume a favorable, instead or a hostile position towards that movement. The feeling of the nation must be quickened; the conscience of the nation must be roused; the propriety of the nation must be startled; the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God and man must be proclaimed and denounced.What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? You have already declared it. While I do not intend to argue this question on the present occasion, let me ask, if it be not somewhat singular that, if the Constitution were intended to be, by its framers and adopters, a slave-holding instrument, why neither slavery, slaveholding, nor slave can anywhere be found in it. The oath of any two villains is sufficient, under this hell-black enactment, to send the most pious and exemplary black man into the remorseless jaws of slavery! The speech "What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?" was delivered in the decade preceding the American Civil War, which lasted from 1861 to 1865 and achieved the abolition of slavery. No abuse, no outrage whether in taste, sport or avarice, can now hide itself from the all-pervading light. How can we sing the Lords song in a strange land? I am not included within the pale of this glorious anniversary! What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? Your new moons and your appointed feasts my soul hateth. A general shout would go up from the church, demanding repeal, repeal, instant repeal!And it would go hard with that politician who presumed to solicit the votes of the people without inscribing this motto on his banner. At some future period I will gladly avail myself of an opportunity to give this subject a full and fair discussion.Allow me to say, in conclusion, notwithstanding the dark picture I have this day presented of the state of the nation, I do not despair of this country. that he is the rightful owner of his own body? What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? Must I argue the wrongfulness of slavery? I will not equivocate; I will not excuse;. Some of these have had wives and children, dependent on them for bread; but of this, no account was made. You glory in your refinement and your universal education yet you maintain a system as barbarous and dreadful as ever stained the character of a nationa system begun in avarice, supported in pride, and perpetuated in cruelty. He can bring no witnesses for himself. I do not hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the character and conduct of this nation never looked blacker to me than on this 4th of July! sanction. 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